{"id":5799,"date":"2026-09-28T22:52:58","date_gmt":"2026-09-28T20:52:58","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.dengekurdistan.de\/?p=5799"},"modified":"2026-09-28T22:52:59","modified_gmt":"2026-09-28T20:52:59","slug":"25-eyluel-2017-referandumu-ve-tarihsel-oenemi-hamit-baldemir","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/www.dengekurdistan.de\/?p=5799","title":{"rendered":"25 EYL\u00dcL 2017 REFERANDUMU VE TAR\u0130HSEL \u00d6NEM\u0130! Hamit Baldemir"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

25 Eyl\u00fcl 2017 tarihinde G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan’da ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k referandumunun \u00fczerinden dokuz y\u0131l ge\u00e7ti. Aradan ge\u00e7en s\u00fcre, referanduma yaln\u0131zca sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fczerinden de\u011fil, onu ortaya \u00e7\u0131karan tarihsel ko\u015fullar, b\u00f6lgesel dengeler, uluslararas\u0131 sistem ve K\u00fcrt siyasetinin kendi i\u00e7 sorunlar\u0131 \u00fczerinden yeniden bakmay\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131l\u0131yor.

Referandumda 3 milyon 305 bin 925 ki\u015fi oy kulland\u0131; kat\u0131l\u0131m y\u00fczde 72,16 olarak a\u00e7\u0131kland\u0131. Ge\u00e7erli oylar\u0131n y\u00fczde 92,73’\u00fc ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131ktan yana kullan\u0131ld\u0131. Bu sonu\u00e7, Irak K\u00fcrdistan\u0131’nda ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin geni\u015f bir toplumsal tabana sahip oldu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde ortaya koydu. Ancak referandumdan yaln\u0131zca \u00fc\u00e7 hafta sonra ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan geli\u015fmeler, bir halk\u0131n sand\u0131kta ortaya koydu\u011fu irade ile ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir devletin kurulmas\u0131 ve uluslararas\u0131 alanda tan\u0131nmas\u0131 aras\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck bir mesafe bulundu\u011funu da g\u00f6sterdi.

25 Eyl\u00fcl’\u00fc anlayabilmek i\u00e7in tarihi 2017’den ba\u015flatmak yeterli de\u011fildir.
G\u00fcney K\u00fcrtleri onlarca y\u0131l merkezi devletle \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 bir ili\u015fki ya\u015fad\u0131. Baas rejimi d\u00f6nemindeki Arapla\u015ft\u0131rma politikalar\u0131, Enfal harek\u00e2t\u0131, k\u00f6ylerin bo\u015falt\u0131lmas\u0131, kitlesel s\u00fcrg\u00fcnler ve Halep\u00e7e katliam\u0131 K\u00fcrt toplumunun tarihsel haf\u0131zas\u0131nda derin izler b\u0131rakt\u0131.1991 K\u00f6rfez Sava\u015f\u0131’n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan ko\u015fullar ise yeni bir d\u00f6nemin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131 oldu. G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan olu\u015fan g\u00fcvenlik alan\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde K\u00fcrtler kendi parlamentosunu ve y\u00f6netim kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. 2003 y\u0131l\u0131nda Saddam H\u00fcseyin rejiminin devrilmesinden sonra bu fiil\u00ee durum yeni Irak’\u0131n anayasal sisteminin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 haline geldi.

2005 Irak Anayasas\u0131 K\u00fcrdistan B\u00f6lgesi’ni federal bir b\u00f6lge olarak tan\u0131d\u0131. Fakat Ba\u011fdat-Erbil ili\u015fkilerinin temel sorunlar\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclemedi. Petrol ve do\u011fal gaz gelirlerinin payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131, federal b\u00fct\u00e7e, Pe\u015fmerge g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin stat\u00fcs\u00fc, Kerk\u00fck ve di\u011fer tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerin gelece\u011fi y\u0131llarca taraflar aras\u0131nda kriz konusu olmaya devam etti. \u00d6zellikle Irak Anayasas\u0131’n\u0131n 140. maddesi \u00f6nemlidir. Bu madde Kerk\u00fck ve di\u011fer tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerde normalle\u015fme, n\u00fcfus say\u0131m\u0131 ve ard\u0131ndan b\u00f6lge halk\u0131n\u0131n iradesini belirleyecek bir referandum yap\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcyor ve bunun 31 Aral\u0131k 2007’ye kadar tamamlanmas\u0131n\u0131 istiyordu. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclen tarihte sonu\u00e7land\u0131r\u0131lmad\u0131. Bu durum K\u00fcrt siyasetinde \u015fu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesine katk\u0131da bulundu: Irak’\u0131n federal yap\u0131s\u0131 K\u00fcrtlerin temel sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zmekte yetersiz kal\u0131yordu.

2014 Dengelerin de\u011fi\u015fti\u011fi y\u0131l. Referanduma giden s\u00fcre\u00e7te 2014 y\u0131l\u0131 ayr\u0131 bir \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131r. I\u015e\u0130D Musul’u ele ge\u00e7irdi\u011finde Irak ordusu bir\u00e7ok b\u00f6lgede \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcld\u00fc. Irak devlet g\u00fc\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ekildi\u011fi baz\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerde Pe\u015fmerge g\u00fc\u00e7leri kontrol sa\u011flad\u0131. Kerk\u00fck bunun en \u00f6nemli \u00f6rne\u011fiydi. K\u00fcrt g\u00fc\u00e7leri ayn\u0131 zamanda I\u015e\u0130D’e kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015fta ABD \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcndeki uluslararas\u0131 koalisyonun temel kara ortaklar\u0131ndan biri haline geldi.
Bu geli\u015fmeler G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan’da yeni bir siyasi psikoloji yaratt\u0131. Bir tarafta Saddam sonras\u0131nda kurulan Irak’\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc y\u00f6n\u00fcnde bir de\u011ferlendirme vard\u0131; di\u011fer tarafta K\u00fcrtlerin kendi silahl\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7leri, parlamentosu, h\u00fck\u00fcmeti, d\u0131\u015f ili\u015fkileri ve ekonomik kurumlar\u0131 bulunuyordu. B\u00f6ylece \u015fu soru giderek daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bi\u00e7imde g\u00fcndeme geldi:
E\u011fer Irak fiilen yeniden \u015fekilleniyorsa, K\u00fcrdistan neden kendi gelece\u011fini belirlemesin?

Mesut Barzani ve KDP’nin referandum politikas\u0131 bu ko\u015fullar i\u00e7erisinde \u015fekillendi. Referandum yaln\u0131zca KDP’nin meselesi miydi? Burada iki olguyu birbirinden ay\u0131rmak gerekir. Birincisi, K\u00fcrt toplumundaki ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesiydi. \u0130kincisi ise ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k referandumunun 25 Eyl\u00fcl 2017 tarihinde, o siyasi ko\u015fullar i\u00e7erisinde ve izlenen y\u00f6ntemle yap\u0131lmas\u0131yd\u0131. Bu iki konuda K\u00fcrt siyasi g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin tutumlar\u0131 tamamen ayn\u0131 de\u011fildi.

KDP ve Mesut Barzani referandumun temel siyasi ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131yd\u0131. YNK i\u00e7erisinde referandumu destekleyen g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir e\u011filim bulunmakla birlikte parti i\u00e7inde zamanlama ve izlenecek strateji konusunda farkl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler mevcuttu. Goran ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere baz\u0131 siyasi \u00e7evreler ise ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesine kategorik olarak kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmaktan \u00e7ok, referandumun yap\u0131lma bi\u00e7imini, parlamentonun durumunu ve siyasi uzla\u015fman\u0131n yeterince olu\u015fturulmam\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131n\u0131 ele\u015ftiriyordu. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla sand\u0131ktan y\u00fczde 92’nin \u00fczerinde \u201cevet\u201d \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131, K\u00fcrt siyasi partilerinin referandum stratejisi konusunda y\u00fczde 92 oran\u0131nda birle\u015fti\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelmiyordu. Bu ayr\u0131m, sonradan \u00f6zellikle Kerk\u00fck olaylar\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem kazanacakt\u0131.
D\u00fcnyan\u0131n itiraz\u0131 neydi?<\/strong>
Referandum \u00f6ncesindeki en \u00f6nemli ger\u00e7eklerden biri, uluslararas\u0131 deste\u011fin son derece s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 olmas\u0131yd\u0131. ABD, referandumdan be\u015f g\u00fcn \u00f6nce yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 resm\u00ee a\u00e7\u0131klamada 25 Eyl\u00fcl’de yap\u0131lacak referanduma \u201cg\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bi\u00e7imde kar\u015f\u0131 oldu\u011funu\u201d a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ilan etti. Washington, bunun yerine Ba\u011fdat ile Erbil aras\u0131nda ABD ve Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletler’in de destekleyece\u011fi uzun vadeli bir m\u00fczakere s\u00fcreci \u00f6nerdi. ABD’nin gerek\u00e7elerinden biri I\u015e\u0130D sava\u015f\u0131yd\u0131. Washington, I\u015e\u0130D tamamen yenilmeden Irak ordusu ile Pe\u015fmerge aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkilerin bozulmas\u0131n\u0131n sava\u015f\u0131 tehlikeye atabilece\u011fini savunuyordu. Ayr\u0131ca ABD birle\u015fik, federal ve demokratik Irak politikas\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyordu.

Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletler G\u00fcvenlik Konseyi de 21 Eyl\u00fcl 2017’de Irak’\u0131n egemenli\u011fini, toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve birli\u011fini destekleyen a\u00e7\u0131klama yapt\u0131; Ba\u011fdat-Erbil sorunlar\u0131n\u0131n Irak Anayasas\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde m\u00fczakere yoluyla \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesini istedi. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla sorun yaln\u0131zca \u201cd\u00fcnya K\u00fcrtlerin ne istedi\u011fini bilmiyordu\u201d meselesi de\u011fildi.

Uluslararas\u0131 sistem a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ba\u015fka bir sorun vard\u0131: Bir devletin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131, o devletin r\u0131zas\u0131 olmadan de\u011fi\u015ftirilebilir miydi? K\u00fcrt taraf\u0131 meseleyi b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde halklar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131 \u00fczerinden ele al\u0131rken, Ba\u011fdat ve uluslararas\u0131 akt\u00f6rlerin \u00e7o\u011fu Irak’\u0131n anayasal d\u00fczenini ve toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc esas ald\u0131. 2017 krizinin temel hukuki ve siyasi \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131ndan biri buydu.
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye ve \u0130ran neden kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kom\u015fu iki b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7, T\u00fcrkiye ve \u0130ran da referanduma kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. T\u00fcrkiye’nin K\u00fcrdistan B\u00f6lgesel Y\u00f6netimi ile o d\u00f6nemde \u00e7ok g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ekonomik ili\u015fkileri vard\u0131. K\u00fcrdistan petrol\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00f6nemli b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc T\u00fcrkiye \u00fczerinden d\u00fcnya pazarlar\u0131na ula\u015f\u0131yordu. Buna ra\u011fmen Ankara referandumun Irak’\u0131n b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesine yol a\u00e7abilece\u011fini savundu. T\u00fcrkiye a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan mesele yaln\u0131zca Irak de\u011fildi. Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir K\u00fcrt devletinin kendi K\u00fcrt sorunu ve b\u00f6lgedeki K\u00fcrt hareketleri \u00fczerindeki muhtemel etkileri de Ankara’n\u0131n g\u00fcvenlik de\u011ferlendirmelerinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131yd\u0131.
\u0130ran da benzer bi\u00e7imde Irak’\u0131n toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc savundu. Tahran a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan hem Irak \u00fczerindeki stratejik n\u00fcfuz hem de \u0130ran s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde ya\u015fayan K\u00fcrt n\u00fcfus nedeniyle b\u00f6lgesel s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n de\u011fi\u015fmesi \u00f6nemli bir g\u00fcvenlik meselesiydi. B\u00f6ylece normal ko\u015fullarda birbirleriyle bir\u00e7ok konuda rekabet i\u00e7erisinde bulunan Ba\u011fdat, Ankara ve Tahran, referanduma kar\u015f\u0131 ortak bir noktada bulu\u015ftu. Bu durum G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan’\u0131n co\u011frafi ger\u00e7e\u011fini yeniden hat\u0131rlatt\u0131: Denize a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrge olmayan bir \u00fclkenin devletle\u015fme s\u00fcrecinde kom\u015fular\u0131yla ili\u015fkileri ya\u015famsal \u00f6nemdedir.
Kerk\u00fck meselesi<\/strong>
Referandumun en tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 kararlar\u0131ndan biri, oylaman\u0131n yaln\u0131zca anayasal K\u00fcrdistan B\u00f6lgesi s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131nda de\u011fil, Kerk\u00fck ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere baz\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerde de yap\u0131lmas\u0131yd\u0131. ABD de referandumun \u00f6zellikle tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerde yap\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n istikrars\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 olabilece\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a belirtmi\u015fti. K\u00fcrtler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan Kerk\u00fck tarihsel K\u00fcrdistan co\u011frafyas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemli merkezlerinden biriydi.
Fakat Irak a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan Kerk\u00fck, anayasal stat\u00fcs\u00fc hen\u00fcz \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme kavu\u015fmam\u0131\u015f ve Araplar\u0131n, K\u00fcrtlerin, T\u00fcrkmenlerin ve di\u011fer topluluklar\u0131n ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 bir b\u00f6lgeydi. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Kerk\u00fck’\u00fcn referanduma dahil edilmesi, referandum meselesini yaln\u0131zca \u201cK\u00fcrdistan B\u00f6lgesi Irak’tan ayr\u0131lacak m\u0131?\u201d sorusu olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131.
Ayn\u0131 zamanda \u015fu soruyu g\u00fcndeme getirdi:
Yeni devletin s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 nereden ge\u00e7ecekti? Devletle\u015fme a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bu soru, en az ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k karar\u0131 kadar \u00f6nemliydi.
25 Eyl\u00fcl’den 16 Ekim’e 25 Eyl\u00fcl g\u00fcn\u00fc sand\u0131klar a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131.
Sonu\u00e7 son derece a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131: Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k isteyenler ezici \u00e7o\u011funluktayd\u0131.
Ancak sand\u0131k sonucunun hemen ard\u0131ndan Ba\u011fdat ekonomik ve idari bask\u0131y\u0131 art\u0131rd\u0131.
29 Eyl\u00fcl’de Erbil ve S\u00fcleymaniye havalimanlar\u0131na do\u011frudan uluslararas\u0131 u\u00e7u\u015f yasa\u011f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe girdi. Ba\u011fdat ayr\u0131ca s\u0131n\u0131r kap\u0131lar\u0131 ve havalimanlar\u0131 \u00fczerindeki federal denetimin kendisine devredilmesini istedi. Ve as\u0131l b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u0131r\u0131lma ise 16 Ekim’de ya\u015fand\u0131. Irak federal g\u00fc\u00e7lar\u0131 Kerk\u00fck ve \u00e7evresine do\u011fru ilerledi. Petrol sahalar\u0131, havaalan\u0131 ve stratejik noktalar federal g\u00fc\u00e7larin kontrol\u00fcne ge\u00e7ti; Kerk\u00fck \u015fehir merkezinde de Ba\u011fdat yeniden h\u00e2kimiyet kurdu.
Bu olay, yaln\u0131zca Ba\u011fdat-Erbil \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 de\u011fildi.<\/strong>
Ayn\u0131 zamanda K\u00fcrt siyasetinin kendi i\u00e7erisindeki KDP-YNK g\u00fcvensizli\u011fini de a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131. Kerk\u00fck’teki baz\u0131 Pe\u015fmerge birliklerinin geri \u00e7ekilmesi \u00fczerine K\u00fcrt siyasi g\u00fc\u00e7leri aras\u0131nda a\u011f\u0131r kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 su\u00e7lamalar ya\u015fand\u0131. Referandum \u00f6ncesinde yeterince \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclemeyen ortak siyasi karar ve ortak askeri komuta meselesi, kriz an\u0131nda b\u00fct\u00fcn a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Uluslararas\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7ler neden K\u00fcrtlerin yan\u0131nda durmad\u0131?<\/strong>
Bu soru 2017’den beri K\u00fcrt kamuoyunda en fazla tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan sorulardan biridir. Pe\u015fmerge I\u015e\u0130D’e kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131rken Bat\u0131’n\u0131n m\u00fcttefikiydi; neden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k g\u00fcndeme geldi\u011finde ayn\u0131 devletler K\u00fcrtleri desteklemedi? Bu soruya uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkilerin mant\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir ayr\u0131m ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor.
Devletler aras\u0131ndaki ittifaklar \u00e7o\u011fu zaman belirli bir konuda \u00e7\u0131kar ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131na dayan\u0131r.
ABD ile Pe\u015fmerge’nin I\u015e\u0130D’e kar\u015f\u0131 ortak m\u00fccadele y\u00fcr\u00fctmesi, Washington’un otomatik olarak ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z K\u00fcrdistan politikas\u0131n\u0131 benimsemesi anlam\u0131na gelmiyordu.
ABD bunu referandumdan \u00f6nce a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde ilan etmi\u015fti. Referandumdan d\u00f6rt g\u00fcn sonra da Washington, referandumu tan\u0131mad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve birle\u015fik federal Irak politikas\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131.
Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla K\u00fcrtlerin I\u015e\u0130D’e kar\u015f\u0131 askeri ortak olarak ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011fer ile bir K\u00fcrt devletinin kurulmas\u0131n\u0131n yarataca\u011f\u0131 jeopolitik sonu\u00e7lar Bat\u0131l\u0131 devletler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan iki ayr\u0131 mesele olarak ele al\u0131nd\u0131. Uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkilerde tarihsel hak iddialar\u0131,\u00a0ahlaki gerek\u00e7eler ve halk iradesi \u00f6nemlidir; ancak devletlerin kararlar\u0131nda g\u00fcvenlik, s\u0131n\u0131rlar, ekonomik \u00e7\u0131karlar, mevcut ittifaklar ve b\u00f6lgesel istikrar hesaplar\u0131 da belirleyici rol oynar. Hele bu devletler emperyalist ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ise… 2017 referandumu bu ger\u00e7e\u011fi olduk\u00e7a \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bi\u00e7imde ortaya koydu.
Referandum hukuken ne oldu?<\/strong>
Referandum ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k ilan\u0131 de\u011fildi. Sonucun ard\u0131ndan Ba\u011fdat ile ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u015fartlar\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fclmesi ama\u00e7lan\u0131yordu. Ancak Irak Federal Y\u00fcksek Mahkemesi 20 Kas\u0131m 2017’de referandumun Irak Anayasas\u0131’nda hukuki dayana\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na ve anayasaya ayk\u0131r\u0131 oldu\u011funa h\u00fckmetti; referandumun sonu\u00e7 ve etkilerinin iptal edilmesi gerekti\u011fini belirtti.
B\u00f6ylece 25 Eyl\u00fcl’deki halk oylamas\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir siyasi mesaj olarak kald\u0131 fakat ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fecek hukuki ve diplomatik s\u00fcrece ge\u00e7emedi. Ama Irak devleti I\u015e\u0130D sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131 nedeniyle zay\u0131flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131, Pe\u015fmerge geni\u015f bir alan\u0131 kontrol ediyordu, K\u00fcrdistan’\u0131n kurumlar\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lenmi\u015fti ve toplum ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa b\u00fcy\u00fck destek veriyordu. Bu bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan referandum, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z devlet arzusunu uluslararas\u0131 kamuoyu \u00f6n\u00fcnde kayda ge\u00e7iren tarihsel bir ad\u0131m oldu.
Referandumun tarihsel anlam\u0131<\/strong>
25 Eyl\u00fcl’\u00fcn K\u00fcrt tarihinde b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 baz\u0131 somut sonu\u00e7lar vard\u0131r. Birincisi, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k talebi ilk kez bu b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fckte do\u011frudan halkoyuyla \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcld\u00fc.
\u0130kincisi, K\u00fcrt toplumundaki ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin g\u00fcc\u00fc say\u0131sal olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.
\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k i\u00e7in yaln\u0131zca halk deste\u011finin yeterli olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc.
D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc, K\u00fcrt siyasi g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin ortak strateji ve ortak kurumlar olu\u015fturmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemi bir kez daha g\u00fcndeme geldi.
Be\u015fincisi ise uluslararas\u0131 diplomasinin belirleyici a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.
Bir halk\u0131n kendi gelece\u011fi hakk\u0131ndaki iradesi ile devletlerin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu uluslararas\u0131 sistem her zaman ayn\u0131 y\u00f6nde hareket etmeyebilir. Emperyalist ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci sistemin dayatmalar\u0131 halklar\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k talepleri ve iradesi \u00f6n\u00fcnde en b\u00fcy\u00fck engeldir. 25 Eyl\u00fcl’\u00fcn en \u00f6nemli derslerinden biri belki de bu gerilimdir.
Sonu\u00e7<\/strong>
25 Eyl\u00fcl 2017 referandumu, G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan tarihinde s\u0131radan bir se\u00e7im veya referandum olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclemez. Bir tarafta yakla\u015f\u0131k bir y\u00fczy\u0131ll\u0131k devletle\u015fme aray\u0131\u015f\u0131, tarihsel ac\u0131lar, Enfal, Halep\u00e7e ve merkezi y\u00f6netimlerle ya\u015fanan \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar vard\u0131.
Di\u011fer tarafta ise 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7 dengeleri, Irak’\u0131n mevcut s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131, ABD’nin politikas\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye ve \u0130ran’\u0131n g\u00fcvenlik hesaplar\u0131 ve K\u00fcrt siyasi g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin kendi i\u00e7indeki anla\u015fmazl\u0131klar bulunuyordu.
Referandumun sand\u0131ktaki sonucu \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131:<\/strong>
G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan’da oy kullananlar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir devlet istedi.
Fakat 25 Eyl\u00fcl ile 16 Ekim aras\u0131nda ya\u015fananlar ba\u015fka bir ger\u00e7e\u011fi de ortaya koydu: Bir halk\u0131n devlet olma iradesi ile o iradenin devlete d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015febilmesini sa\u011flayacak siyasi, ekonomik, askeri ve diplomatik ko\u015fullar ayn\u0131 \u015fey de\u011fildir.
Bu nedenle 2017 deneyimi, bug\u00fcn yaln\u0131zca ge\u00e7mi\u015fte kalm\u0131\u015f bir olay olarak de\u011fil; K\u00fcrt siyasetinde ulusal birlik, ortak kurumlar, diplomasi, ekonomi, kom\u015fularla ili\u015fkiler ve uluslararas\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7 dengeleri \u00fczerine devam eden tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n tarihsel bir \u00f6rne\u011fidir. Dokuz y\u0131l sonra 25 Eyl\u00fcl’\u00fc yeniden tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n anlam\u0131 da buradad\u0131r. Mesele yaln\u0131zca \u201cReferandum do\u011fru muydu, yanl\u0131\u015f m\u0131yd\u0131?\u201d sorusu de\u011fildir.
Daha kapsaml\u0131 soru \u015fudur:<\/strong>
Bir halk\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k iradesinin kal\u0131c\u0131 ve uluslararas\u0131 olarak tan\u0131nan bir siyasal stat\u00fcye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi i\u00e7in hangi ko\u015fullar gereklidir ve 2017 deneyimi bu konuda ne g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir? 25 Eyl\u00fcl referandumu, bu soruyu K\u00fcrt siyasetinin \u00f6n\u00fcne g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bi\u00e7imde koymu\u015f tarihsel d\u00f6neme\u00e7lerden biri olarak varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmektedir. 28.09.2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

25 Eyl\u00fcl 2017 tarihinde G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan’da ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k referandumunun \u00fczerinden dokuz y\u0131l ge\u00e7ti. Aradan ge\u00e7en s\u00fcre, referanduma yaln\u0131zca sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fczerinden de\u011fil, onu ortaya \u00e7\u0131karan tarihsel ko\u015fullar, b\u00f6lgesel dengeler, uluslararas\u0131 sistem ve K\u00fcrt siyasetinin kendi i\u00e7 sorunlar\u0131 \u00fczerinden yeniden bakmay\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131l\u0131yor.Referandumda 3 milyon 305 bin 925 ki\u015fi oy kulland\u0131; kat\u0131l\u0131m y\u00fczde 72,16 olarak a\u00e7\u0131kland\u0131. Ge\u00e7erli …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":5805,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[114,43,113,59,54,116,58,57,41,42,111,55,112,61],"tags":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.dengekurdistan.de\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5799"}],"collection":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.dengekurdistan.de\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.dengekurdistan.de\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.dengekurdistan.de\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.dengekurdistan.de\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=5799"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"http:\/\/www.dengekurdistan.de\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5799\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":5804,"href":"http:\/\/www.dengekurdistan.de\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5799\/revisions\/5804"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.dengekurdistan.de\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/5805"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"http:\/\/www.dengekurdistan.de\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=5799"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.dengekurdistan.de\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=5799"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/www.dengekurdistan.de\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=5799"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}